Ida Wise Smith

Ida Wise Smith


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

Ida Smith was born in Philadelphia on 3rd July, 1871. Educated at the University of Nebraska, she married James Wise in 1889.

After the death of her husband in 1892 Ida became a teacher. A supporter of women's suffrage she was also an active member of the Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). The main objective of the WCTU was to persuade all states to prohibit the sale of alcoholic beverages. Ida was president of Iowa's WCTU for 20 years. Later she became president of the national WCTU.

In 1930 President Herbert Hoover appointed Ida Wise Smith to the White House Conference on Child Health and Protection. In 1940 President Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed her to the White House Conference on Children in Democracy.


The Enslaved Girl Who Became America’s First Poster Child

On February 19, 1855, Charles Sumner, the Massachusetts senator, wrote his supporters about an enslaved 7-year-old girl whose freedom he had helped to secure. She would be joining him onstage at an abolitionist lecture that spring. “I think her presence among us (in Boston) will be a great deal more effective than any speech I could make,” the noted orator wrote. He said her name was Mary, but he also referred to her, significantly, as “another Ida May.” Sumner enclosed a daguerreotype of Mary standing next to a small table with a notebook at her elbow. She is neatly outfitted in a plaid dress, with a solemn expression on her face, and looks for all the world like a white girl from a well-to-do family.

When the Boston Telegraph published Sumner’s letter, it caused a sensation. Newspapers from Maine to Washington, D.C. picked up on the story of the “white slave from Virginia,” and paper copies of the daguerreotype were sold alongside a broadsheet promising the “History of Ida May.”

The name referred to the title character of Ida May: A Story of Things Actual and Possible, a thrilling novel, published just three months earlier, about a white girl who was kidnapped on her fifth birthday, beaten unconscious and sold across state lines into slavery. The author, Mary Hayden Green Pike, was an abolitionist, and her tale was calculated to arouse white Northerners to oppose slavery and to resist the Fugitive Slave Act, the five-year-old federal law demanding that suspected slaves be returned to their masters. Pike’s story fanned fears that the law threatened both black and white children, who, once enslaved, might be difficult to legally recover.

It was shrewd of Sumner to link the outrage stirred by the fictional Ida May to the plight of the real Mary—a brilliant piece of propaganda that turned Mary into America’s first poster child. But Mary hadn’t been kidnapped she was born into slavery.

Girl in Black and White: The Story of Mary Mildred Williams and the Abolition Movement

I first learned of Mary in 2006 the same way the residents of Boston met her in 1855, by reading Sumner’s letter. That chance encounter led me on a 12-year-long quest to discover the truth about this child who had been lost to history, a forgotten symbol of the nation’s struggle against slavery. Now the true story of Mary Mildred Williams can be told in detail for the first time.

In the reading room of the Massachusetts Historical Society, I held Mary’s daguerreotype, labeled “Unidentified Girl, 1855.” She would still be missing but for a handwritten note offering a clue to her identity: “slave child in which Governor Andrew was interested.” I went on to find the story of Mary and her family in thousands of documents spread across 115 years, beginning in the court filings and depositions of the Cornwells, the Virginia family who had owned Mary’s grandmother, Prudence Nelson Bell, since 1809. Prudence and her children were all so light as to “be taken to be white,” the courts stated. Their skin color was evidence of a then-common act: nonconsensual sex between an enslaved woman and a white member of the master class. Mary’s mother was Elizabeth, Prudence’s daughter with her mistress’s neighbor, Capt. Thomas Nelson. Mary’s father was Seth Botts, an enslaved man who was the son of his master. Elizabeth and Seth were married in the early 1840s. Mary, their second child, was born in 1847.

In 1850, Mary’s father escaped to Boston via the Underground Railroad, changing his name along the way to Henry Williams to match his forged free papers. Through his remarkable charisma, Williams raised enough funds to buy the freedom of his children, his wife, her mother and four of Mary’s aunts and uncles. Abolitionist John Albion Andrew—the future governor of Massachusetts—was Williams’ lawyer, and he contacted Sumner to handle the funds needed to redeem Mary and her family from Virginia. Once freed, they traveled to Washington, where they met the senator.

Sumner said the oldest Williams child, Oscar, was “bright and intelligent, [with] the eyes of an eagle and a beautiful smile.” But Sumner chose to photograph Mary and introduce her to journalists and Massachusetts legislators. Oscar was dark, like his father, while Mary was light, like her mother. Mary’s whiteness made her compelling to white audiences.

Throughout the spring of 1855, Mary made headlines in Washington, New York and Massachusetts. In March, she sat onstage at Boston’s Tremont Temple as Sumner lectured to a crowd of thousands. And at least twice she appeared with Solomon Northup, a free-born black man who had, in fact, been kidnapped and enslaved he had told his story in his memoir Twelve Years a Slave.

“Little Ida May” faded from view after the Civil War, but I was able to piece together the basic facts of her life. She never married and did not have children. She resided mostly in Boston, near her family, working as a clerk in the registry of deeds and living as a white woman—a decision criminalized in the Jim Crow era as “passing.” The Rev. Thomas Wentworth Higginson, an abolitionist who knew her, said he “willingly lost sight of her” so she could “disappear. in the white ranks.” Mary moved to New York City in the early years of the 20th century she died in 1921 and her body was returned to Boston and buried with her family in an integrated cemetery. I never found a single letter or document written by Mary herself, and no contemporary quotation of hers survives. Her own voice remains unheard.

In March 1855, young Mary was taken to the offices of the New-York Daily Times, where reporters looked her over and expressed “astonishment” that this child was “held a slave.” Today, people are similarly surprised when I show them the daguerreotype of Mary and I point out she was born into slavery. They react the same as people did a century and a half ago, revealing that they still harbor some of the assumptions about race and slavery that Sumner tapped into when he first put Mary onstage.


History of the WCTU

On December 13, 1873, Dr. Dio Lewis, a Boston physician, delivered a lecture in Fredonia NY. After the lecture, he was invited to deliver a temperance lecture the next day at a Sunday evening church service. He gave a forceful presentation about alcohol and his practical plans for action to stop the alcohol traffic. Rev. Lester Williams, pastor of the Baptist Church, asked the women to hold a meeting. Fifty women responded ready to act.

On Monday morning, December 15, 1873, at 10:00am, about 300 men and women met in the Fredonia Baptist Church. The men prayed while the women organized. The men pledge $1,000 to help the women carry out their work to stop the alcohol traffic. They adopted the name, The Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Fredonia.

In August, 1874, at the first National Sunday School Assembly held at Chautauqua, New York, Mrs. Mattie McClellan Brown of Ohio suggested a committee send out a call for a national, delegated convention to meet in Cleveland, Ohio, November 18-20.

Frances Willard was the 2nd National WCTU President and the most famous. She believed that women, as the moral guardians of the home, should be involved in public and political activity. She increased the reform activity initiated by the WCTU with choices for local chapters. This made it possible for large numbers of women to work with the temperance movement and on issues that were of concern to themselves.

This became know as Frances Willard's "Do Everything" policy. It was passed at the National 1882 WCTU Convention. It encouraged local chapters to work on any and all issues they deem important. This allowed very conservative chapters to avoid issues such as the "Home Protection Ballot" (women's right to vote).

Willard contrasted a national WCTU meeting with "any held by men: Its manner is not the of the street, the court, the mart, or office it is the maker of the home." She used domestic imagery, beautiful decorations, banners of silk, satin and velvet, usually made by the women themselves, to adore the walls and platforms. She presented the room as "cozy and delightful as a parlor could afford."

She once commented, "We have been so busy making history we have not found time to record it." Therefore, in Do Everything (1895), she urged that "Each Union from the greatest to the least, should appoint a custodian of archives, souvenirs, and historic documents, who should also keep memoranda of its unfolding history."

The WCTU Administration Building in Evanston, Illinois holds WCTU's Library and Archives. The collection is extensive and is accessible to researchers. Many have come from around the world to learn more about women's history, including their fight for prohibition, the the 18th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States and and the work of the WCTU which gave women the right to vote, 19th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. .

Today, the WCTU continues its work to educate about the dangers of alcohol and other drug use. The WCTU works to protect families from all negative influences under its "Do Everything" policy.

The WCTU is the oldest, continuous woman's organization in the world. It was the major force behind obtaining the 18th and 19th Constitutional Amendments to the United States Constitution.

On the world level, the WCTU was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2017.


Early Land Grants and Settlers of West Virginia

Some history of early settlements and land grants in West Virginia by W. S. Laidly, Esq., who has devoted much study to the subject. A long list of names is given, perhaps most of the settlers of the time.

It is rare that so many names of the early settlers of any region can be gotten at this day. Their descendants, who were legion, overflowed to the Ohio and Kanawha Valleys, and went to help build up several Western States, especially Ohio. Indiana, Illinois and Missouri.

There has been some discussion on this subject through the publications of the West Virginia Historical Society and there may be more. It is not now our purpose to continue here this discussion, but to speak by the records of those that were among the earliest, if not the first settlers.

Spotsylvania County was formed in 1720
Orange in 1734
Frederick was established by law in 1738 but was not organized until 1743
Berkeley County was founded in 1772
Jefferson in 1801

Hampshire and Hardy were included in Frederick County. It is known that in 1732, that Jost Hite with sixteen families went into the Shenandoah Valley and from that date there has been a record kept and the settlement reaches back to that date, beyond question with the further question, of whether there was others there before that date, unsettled.

The first patent or grant of land west of the Blue Ridge was made to Jost Hite. 20 Aug. 1734, see Grant Book No. 15, page 276. In this grant, it is said, that it is designed to be included in a county to be called Orange, being part of the forty thousand acres purchased by the said Jost Hire from Isaac and John Van Meter, who had obtained orders of our said Lieutenant-Governor, in Council, to take up the same, upon certain conditions therein expressed, which orders were made June 17, 1730. The grant to Hite was for one thousand and twenty acres (1,020).

Then follows a large number of other grants to others, "designed to be included in a county to be called the county of Orange, being part of the forty thousand acres purchased by Jost Hite from Isaac and John Van Meter, who had obtained orders from our said Lieutenant-Governor, in council, to take up the same upon certain conditions therein expressed, which orders were made the seventeenth day of June, 1730."

The assignment of the said "orders" was made to Hite and Hite had the surveys made, and the surveyor was Col. James Wood, afterwards Clerk of the Court of Frederick, and these survey were assigned by Hite to those who purchased of him, and the grants were issued directly to the said purchasers, with the above clause therein, which designates the same as purchasers of Hite, of the 40,000 acres, he obtained from Van Meter

Grant to John Smith, 420 acres, on Turkey Spring of Opeckon creek, dated 21 August 1734
Grant to Rus Smith, 150 acres, 21 August 1734
Grant to Henry Willis, 2030 acres, on Stony Lick and dated August 21, 1734
Grant to Thomas Shepherd, 220 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Samuel Taylor, 200 acres, on South side of the Cohongolulu, dated 3 October 1734
Grant to Thomas Johnson, 150 acres, on Turkey Spring of Opeckon, dated October 3, 1734
Grant to William Jasper, 62 acres, on Opeckon Run, dated October 3, 1734
Grant to Neil Thompson, 139 acres, dated 3 October 1734
Grant to Isaac Pennington, 500 acres, dated 3 October, 1734
Grant to Richard Pendall, 300 acres, dated October 3, 1734
Grant to Stephen Hollingsworth, 472 acres, dated October 3, 1734
Grant to John Welton, 442 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Israel Frond, 300 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Robert McKay, jr., 828 acres, October 3, 1734.
Grant to Peter Woolf, 600 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Samuel Morris, 378 acres, dated October 3, 1734
Grant to David Perkins, 519 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to William Jay 100 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Richard Morgan, 210 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Richard Morgan, 290 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Thos. Johnson, 298 acres. October 3. 1734
Grant to John Van Meter, 885 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to George Williams, 489 acres, October 3. 1734
Grant to Daniel Burnett, 490 acres, October 3. 1734
Grant to Josiah Jones, 104 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Benjamin Harden, l 142 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Thos. Branson, 1370 acres, October 3, 1754
Grant to William Vestal, 285 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Morgan Bryant, 1250 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Paul Williams, 270 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Abraham Pennington, 600 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Isaac Garrison, 1000 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Robert Slaughter, 536 acres, in Spottsylvania
Grant to Peter Stephen, 600 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Geo. Bowman, 100 acres. October 3, 1734
Grant to Richard Paulson, 834 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Robert Worthington, 3000 acres, October 3, 1734
Grant to Morgan Morgan, 1000 acres, on the _____ branch of the Opeckon, between the lauds of John Mills and _____ Hobzson, dated 12 November 1735
Grant to Alexander Ross, 2373 acres, 12 November 1735

The following is a list of grantees of lands conveyed by Jost Hite and recorded in Orange County, before the county of Frederick was organized:

On March 24. 1730 there were deeds recorded to Stephen Hunsonbeller. Christian Nisoranger, Thos. Wilson, Jno. Van Meter, Thos. Chester, Lewis Starry, Robt. Dorarfe, Geo. Harris.
On Oct. 27, l 737 deed to Jno. Leamen.
On April 27, 1738, dated to James Wood, and to William Williams, Jacob Neswanger, Lewis Stephens.
In Feb., 1739, to Hendery Hunt, Christian Blank.
In May, 1740, to Peter Writtenhouse, Jacob Christman, John Hite, William Reed, Jno. McCormick, Samuel Walker, Chas. McDowell and James Beans in 1741.
In 1742, Robert Allen, Jno. Harron, Geo. Hite, David Vance, Jas. Hoge, Abraham Wiseman, James Vance, Peter Make, Jacob Hite, John Peuter, Thos. Bronson, Samuel Glass, David Logan, Fred Forman, Nath Thomas:
To Emanuel Grubb in 1743
To John Grubb, Thos. Ashby, Win. Brock, Robt. McKay, and Abraham Hite in 1744.

We have endeavored to not repeat the names either on the grants or on the deeds. It will be noticed that there were deeds recorded in Orange in 1743 and 1744, and Fredrick Co. was organized in 1743, where it would be supposed that deeds would be recorded after that date.

In 1748, Thomas, Lord Fairfax sent George Washington to Frederick County to survey lands for him, which surveys were made and a record kept thereof.

A most remarkable thing, for a boy only sixteen year old to be a competent surveyor, but more remarkable that he would go away out in a new country, infested with Indians, with few of the conveniences of civilization, where he was not known.

He made surveys in 1748 and 1750 and the following are those for whom he made such surveys, viz:

Jno. Anderson
Jona Arnold
Capt. Thos. Ashby
Henry Ashby
Robt. Ashby
W. M. Baker
W. M. Blackburn
Capt. Marques Calmes
Maj. Andrew Campbell
Jacob Peter
Samuel Camperlin
F. Carney
Thos. Carney
Richard Career
John Collins
Thos. Colston
Jno. Cozen
Wm. Crawford
Col. Thos. Cresop
Ralph Croft
N. Daughily
Win. Davis
I. Foster
Robt. Fox
James Green
George Joseph
Richard Hampton
Thomas Hampton
Henry Harris
Joshua Haynes
Col. Hedges
Hy Hendricks
Geo. Horner
Jo. Howt
Samuel Isaacs
Jno. Johnson
Abraham Johnson
Capt. Geo. Johnston
Thos. Johnston
Wm. Johnston
Thos. Jones
Isabella Jeomp
Jno. Keeth
T. Keys
Samuel Kinsman
Jas. Kinsman
John Lindsay
Thos. Lofton
Thos. Lofton Jr.
Timothy McCarty
Th. McClanahan
Dr. Jas. McCormick
Darby McKean
Daniel McKledoff
John Maddin
P. Mathews.
Jno. Miller
Ed. Musgrove
Jno. Musgrove
Ed. Musgrove
Geo. Neavil
Isaac Pennington
Andrew Pitts
Chas. Polk
Hugh Rankon
P. Rice
Thos. Rutherford
Reuben Rutherford
James Rutledge
Stephen Sebastian
John Sheely
Walter Sherley
Geo. Smith
Hannah Southard
Stephen Southard
Richard Stephenson
Robt. Taylor
Lewis Thomas
Nathaniel Thomas
Owen Thomas
John Orton
A. Vance
J. Vance
Hy. Van Meter
John Vestal
Wm. Vestal
Samuel Walker
Lawrence Washington
Wm. Wiggons
Jno. Woods.
Robt. Worthington

From Norris History of Lower Valley, while he does not admit they are the first settlers, yet the full names he is able to give, or does give, are as follows:

Yost Hite
John Hite
Jacob Hite
Isaac Hite
Abraham Hite
Joseph Hite
Geo. Bowman
Jacob Chrisman
Paul Froman
Lewis Stephens
Robt. McKay

There were others that then in 1732 that came, but their names are not known.

In 1734 there are mentioned.

Robt, Harper
Thos. Shepherd
Richard Morgan
Wm. Strope
Israel Fiend
Thos. and William Forrester
Thos. and Van Swearingen
Ed Lucas
James Foreman
Robt. Stockton
Robt. Buckles
John and Samuel Taylor
Jno. Wright

In 1738 the Varices, Glasses, Hoges, Wilsons, Frys, Aliens, Johnstons and others, came and settled about the Opequon Presbyterian Church, above Winchester. There was another settlement of Quakers in another vicinity, viz: the Perkinses, Luptons. Walkers, Beesons. Barretts, Neets, Dillons, Fawcetts and others. This, perhaps, will be sufficient to show that after 1732, this part of the country settled up very rapidly, and the above brings us down to about 1750.

Source: The West Virginia Historical Magazine, Quarterly, January 1903, Vol. 3, No. 1
[Webmasters note: The 3 articles, Early Land Grants, Frederick County Voters, Property Surveyed by George Washington were all part of the same article. All give reference to Virginia. The opening statement on the Early Land Grant page, is from the Historical Magazine.]


The Sad Downfall of Ida Lupino

Ida Lupino has not been treated well by history. She was the niece of the English music hall legend Lupino Lane who later became a silent movie comedy star. Her father was a famed music hall performer and her family was renown in the U.K.

During her peak, she was a film star and became one of the first female directors in movies and television. She directed several motion pictures and over 100 episodes of television programs. She dealt with the male hierarchy in Hollywood and overcame the rampant chauvinism first producing independent films with her second husband, Collier Young. She eventualy became a top director of films that favored a unique touch in film noir. By the 1960s she had become a prolific television director. The biography below from TCM details that.

Lupino was sadly a long term alcoholic and drug abuser that derailed her career. She ended up a recluse who made poor business decisions. She ended up selling a beautiful home in Brentwood and moved to a modest home in the valley. Her third marriage to Howard Duff was quite contentious and ended in a divorce after a long separation. She died a badly forgotten person after living many years as a Norma Desmond type.

My good friend, famed tv producer/ director Bob Finkel was the producer of the 1972 Academy Awards ( where Chaplin was honored). He asked Lupino to be a presenter. When she arrived at the awards- she was blotto. She was falling down drunk. She had no one with her. She refused to go home and Bob Finkel was panicking. He didn’t want her embarrassing herself or the awards. So he locked Ida in a broom closet. She was snoring on a couch in a dressing room -so he moved her into the closet and locked the door. He actually forgot about her until the show ended. When he finally went to retrieve her- she was still sleeping in the closet.

A definite sad end to a remarkable career and a pioneer filmmaker that paved the way for women in cinema. She was never recognized. No honorary awards, no AFI – nada. A crying shame and a tragic conclusion to her life.

Below is the TCM Biography of Ida Lupino by Richard Harland Smith

Though Paramount had imported her from England as an ingenue, Ida Lupino proved more than merely wise beyond her years when she landed in Hollywood in 1934. The 16-year-old scion of a British acting dynasty, Lupino evinced a husky sensuality that had won her a reputation in her homeland as the British Jean Harlow. Plugged into programmers, the progressive Lupino swiftly grew dissatisfied and shifted to Warner Brothers, landing edgier roles in Raoul Walshâ¿¿s “They Drive by Night” (1940) and “High Sierra” (1941) with Humphrey Bogart. A lead role as a steely murderess in Charles Vidorâ¿¿s “Ladies in Retirement” (1941) proved an apt showcase for Lupinoâ¿¿s acting abilities, but she always had her sights set higher.

With second husband Collier Young, Lupino crafted a string of mostly independent dramas with an emphasis on social issues, among them the unwed mother meller “Not Wanted” (1949) and “Outrage” (1950), which concerned the aftermath of a brutal rape. Lupinoâ¿¿s “The Hitch-Hiker” (1952) was at once a skewering of the fragile male psyche and an important entry in the suspense subgenre of film noir. Diverting her efforts as a director-for-hire to television following her marriage to actor Howard Duff, Lupino made occasional film appearances, albeit often in such drive-in fodder as “The Devilâ¿¿s Rain” (1976) and “Food of the Gods” (1976). At the time of her death in 1995, Lupino was only beginning to be reevaluated as a pioneering female director, as well as a guiding hand in the gestation of American independent cinema.
Ida Lupino was born in London on Feb. 4, 1918. In the weeks leading up to her birth during the First World War, German triplanes had rained bombs down on the city, killing 68. The terror from above had yielded to dense fog, punctured by a thunderstorm â¿¿ a dramatic beginning for a future world class actress. Born into a theatrical dynasty, Lupinoâ¿¿s father Stanley was a music hall sensation and her ancestry was rich in actors, dancers, singers, puppeteers and tightrope walkers. The success of Lupinos father, grandfather and uncles had resulted in family friendship with such literary figures as Charles Dickens and “Peter Pan” creator J. M. Barrie, while Edward VII, son of Britains long-seated Queen Victoria, had dubbed the Lupino clan “The Royal Family of Greasepaint.” With Stanley Lupinoâ¿¿s increasing fortunes as a popular entertainer, the family was able to relocate from a modest home in Dulwich to a Tudor mansion in Streatham. Ida Lupino grew up in a home full of theatrical memorabilia, and sang her first songs with her younger sister and parents around the family piano.
When Lupino was eight years old, her parents departed for a tour of the United States and engagements on Broadway. While she and her sister were deposited at the Clarence House, a boarding school for girls in West Brighton, Lupino wrote plays in which she also played the lead roles. Over the next few years, Lupino matured into a young woman of remarkable beauty, particularized by alabaster skin and piercing blue eyes. She made her film debut as an extra in “The Love Race” (1931), starring her father and directed by her cousin, Lupino Lane. A German director visiting the set had taken note of her attractiveness and offered her a role in his upcoming production â¿¿ later cutting her one scene because Lupino was prettier than his leading lady. Choosing education over furthering her career at this young age, Lupino enrolled in London Royal Academy of Dramatic Art. In her second term, she was cast in a production of “Heartbreak House” by playwright George Bernard Shaw himself. When not performing or studying technique, Lupino often accompanied her father to jobs at Elstree Studio, where she observed Stanley Lupino perfecting his craft before the camera.

Lupino returned to cinema with a lead role in Allan Dwanâ¿¿s “Her First Affaire” (1932). The role of a Lolita-type homewrecker had been pitched initially to her mother, Connie Emerald, then in her mid-thirties accompanying Emerald to the try-out, the 14-year-old Lupino caught the eye of Dwan, who cast her instead. With her hair bleached for her star turn in the Sterling Films release, Lupino was promoted as the English Jean Harlow, yet she made relatively few films in Great Britain. She played the resourceful sister of accused murderer John Mills in the quota quickie “The Ghost Camera” (1933), edited by David Lean, and a princess in the musical “Prince of Arcadia” (1933). Tapped by Paramount Pictures in America to star in their upcoming production of “Alice in Wonderland” (1933), Lupino proved too mature for the role (which went instead to Charlotte Henry) and was slotted into Erle C. Kenton “Search for Beauty” (1934), in which she starred with Olympic gold medalist Buster Crabbe as a pair of professional swimmers navigating the uncertain waters of the publishing industry.

At Paramount, Lupinos initial assignments were largely decorous. She played second female leads in Henry Hathawayâ “Peter Ibbetson” (1935), as a potential love interest to star Gary Cooper, and Lewis Milestone “Anything Goes” (1936), as Bing Crosby shipboard chippy. It was not until she outmaneuvered Vivien Leigh for the role of a hot-tempered Cockney model in William Wellman “The Light that Failed” (1936), opposite Ronald Colman, that Lupino began to attract attention as an actress of gravitas and dramatic merit. Signing a contract with Warner Brothers, Lupino scored in a string of well-received programmers. In Raoul Walshâ “They Drive by Night” (1940), she upstaged both George Raft and soon-to-be A-list star Humphrey Bogart as the scheming wife of a trucking magnate who is driven by lust to murder. She reteamed with Bogart for Walsh “High Sierra” (1941), as a rootless gamine in love with Bogart hardened recidivist Mad Dog Earle. In Michael Curtiz adaptation of Jack London “The Sea Wolf” (1941), Lupino kept the peace between autocratic skipper Edward G. Robinson and hunky landlubber John Garfield.

For Columbia Pictures, Lupino defaulted to her natural British accent to play a guilt-wracked murderess in Charles Vidors psychological thriller “Ladies in Retirement” (1941), in which she co-starred with Louis Hayward, her husband since 1938. Back at Warners, Lupino enjoyed a salary boost but grew dissatisfied with roles she considered insignificant. She tangled often with studio head Jack Warner, refusing parts in “Kings Row” (1942) and “Castle in the Clouds” (1942), therefore winding up on suspension more than once. In 1943, she was named Best Actress by the New York Film Critics for her poignant turn as a dying woman who recounts the bullet points of her tragic fall from grace in Vincent Shermans “The Hard Way” (1943). Despite the honor, Lupino continued to despair over the dearth of good roles in Hollywood and often referred to herself as “a poor mans Bette Davis.” Over the next few years, she found a niche in shadowy dramas that anticipated the postwar film noir thrillers, including Archie Mayo “Moontide” (1942) with Jean Gabin and Jean Negulescos “Deep Valley” (1947) with Dane Clark.

Lupino left Warners in 1947. After starring in Negulescoâ scorching noir entry “Road House” (1948), she sought to improve her industry cachet by branching off into producing. With second husband, Columbia production executive Collier Young, she put money into the independent crime drama “The Judge” (1949), directed by Elmer Clifton. The feature was made under the banner of Emerald Pictures, which Lupino named for her mother, in partnership with Anson Bond, heir to Americas first national chain of clothing stores. The film turned a profit, encouraging Lupino and Young to develop a Paul Jarrico script about an unwed mother that had been pressed upon them by Warners producer Jerry Wald and his brother Marvin. When Columbia head Harry Cohn refused to back “Not Wanted” (1949), Lupino stamped it as an Emerald Pictures film, overseeing all aspects of production, from script rewrites and budgeting to selecting the wardrobe. When director Elmer Clifton suffered a heart attack in preproduction, Lupino stepped in to take his place, calling the shots on set from the first day of shooting in February 1949.

Because the then 31-year-old Lupino was not a member of the Directors Guild of America, she downplayed her own significance behind the camera of “Not Wanted,” deferring for the record to the ailing Clifton, who retained official credit. Working quickly, Lupino shot the film guerilla style on the streets of Los Angeles to reduce the necessity for and the cost of building sets. Despite the freedom of working outside of the restrictive prevue of the studio system, the first-timer remained dependent on her investors, some of whom evinced conservative inclinations. When one backer objected to a scene in which heroine Sally Forrest shares a boarding house room with an African-American woman, Lupino grudgingly cut the offending footage but then included business featuring an Asian actress to spite her bigoted benefactor. Though she was not Hollywoods first female director it was still novel for a woman to be calling the shots on a feature film. Lupino reputation spread quickly through the studios, with many A-list actresses demanding private screenings of “Not Wanted.” Budgeted at just over $150,000, the film grossed over a million.

Retooling Emerald Pictures as The Filmmakers, Lupino and Young got back to business with “Never Fear” (1949), a drama concerned with a young dancer ankled by. Their next film, “Outrage” (1950), about the aftermath of a rape, was distributed by RKO Radio Pictures. Overseeing publicity and distribution, RKO head Howard Hughes gave the film an expensive push, complete with press junket and a splashy premiere preceded by a live stage show. Though Hughes mishandling of RKO would soon bankrupt the studio, “Outrage” was one of its few moneymakers. Profits from The Filmmakers next outing, the sports drama “Hard, Fast and Beautiful” (1951), disappeared due to RKOs creative bookkeeping. To keep her debts under control, Lupino continued to act, playing the blind sister of killer Robert Ryan in Nicholas Rays “On Dangerous Ground” (1952).

Arguably Lupinoâ¿¿s best-regarded film outside of “High Sierra,” “The Hitch-Hiker” (1953) pitted fishing buddies Edmund OBrien and Frank Lovejoy against escaped killer William Tallman, who browbeats the married men for being soft while forcing them to drive deeper into Mexico. If her previous movies had allowed Lupino the opportunity to shore up the lopsided racial politics of Hollywood, “The Hitch-Hiker” gave her the chance to probe the fragile male psyche. She followed suit with the self-financed “The Bigamist” (1953), with Oâ¿¿Brien as a businessman juggling wives in San Francisco and Los Angeles. Lupino appeared in the supporting role of OBriens L.A. missus, while distribution was handled by The Filmmakers under their own aegis. Despite the apparent solidarity of forming their own distribution arm, Lupino and Collier Young had divorced in 1951. While Young had taken up with “Bigamist” co-star Joan Fontaine, Lupino sought solace in the arms of actor Howard Duff, to whom she would remain married for the next 30 years.

Over the course of the next two decades, Lupino continued to act sporadically in such films as “Womens Prison” (1955), “The Big Knife” (1955) and “While the City Sleeps” (1956). For “Private Hell 36” (1954), directed by Don Siegel for The Filmmakers, she shared a writing credit with ex-husband Young and co-starred with Duff. She also began directing episodic television for the networks. Helming multiple segments of “Alfred Hitchcock Presents” (CBS, 1955-1962), “Have Gun, Will Travel” (CBS, 1957-1963), the anthology series “Thriller” (NBC, 1960-62) and Desilu Productions “The Untouchables” (ABC, 1959-1963), she developed a reputation for understanding and anticipating the needs of actors. Lupino was famous for a punchy, unflinching directing style that was branded as masculine despite the fact that her aesthetic was in many ways a refutation of the patriarchal perspective. Paradoxically, Lupinos next opportunity to direct a feature came with the girls school comedy “The Trouble with Angels” (1966), starring Hayley Mills as a convent cut-up and Rosalind Russell as her autocratic Mother Superior.

Though she was finished in features by the end of the decade, the aging Lupino continued to work exhaustively in film and television. She had fun teaming with Duff as super-villain Dr. Cassandra in a 1968 episode of “Batman” (ABC, 1966-68) and played a vicious jailhouse screw in the TV movie “Women in Chains” (ABC, 1972). As her looks coarsened with age, she was cast in earthier roles than those suggesting refinement. She played the matriarch of an Arizona rodeo dynasty in Sam Peckinpahs “Junior Bonner” (1972), opposite Steve McQueen, and headed another Western clan that is literally bedeviled in Robert Fuestâ¿¿s “The Devils Rain” (1976), which featured a young John Travolta in a bit role. In Bert Gordons ignoble “Food of the Gods” (1976), Lupino played an ill-starred farmers wife whose use of goopy space stuff as chicken feed dooms her to a messy demise in the jaws of a giant rat. Her final film role was as another villain, the mastermind of an armored car heist carried out by teenagers, in “My Boys are Good Boys” (1978), executive produced by co-star Ralph Meeker.

Divorced from Duff in 1984, Lupino moved from fashionable Brentwood to the more affordable San Fernando Valley on the far side of the Hollywood Hills. Struggling with long-term alcoholism, she grew reclusive in retirement, estranging herself even from her adult daughter. Her death in July 1990 hit the former actress hard and her final years were marked by bouts of depression and assorted illnesses, among them a mental deterioration that had first manifested itself as a difficulty remembering her lines on the sets of television shows. Diagnosed with cancer, she suffered a debilitating stroke in 1995 and died in her Burbank home on August 3rd of that year, at the age of 77. Cruelly coincident with Lupino’s passing was a burgeoning renewal of public interest in her feature film work and her championing among film historians as an important figure in the development of American cinema in the second half of the 20th Century.


The Misunderstanding of J. R. Smith

J. R. Smith, who has played in the National Basketball Association for most of the past twelve years, has, in that time, been responsible for some of the league’s most unpredictable pleasures and diversions, both on and off the court. As a player, he has a singular talent for making improbable long-range shots that perhaps he shouldn’t be taking. Meanwhile, the Wall Street Journal has written that Smith possesses the N.B.A.’s “most diversified portfolio of infractions,” having violated league policies and municipal laws related to marijuana and motor scooters, among other things. Like the Red Sox legend Manny Ramirez, who once high-fived a fan while turning a double play, or the soccer star Luis Suárez, who periodically bites his opponents on the pitch, Smith, who has been traded four times and spent a season in China, is best known for his ability to captivate and confuse.

Consider an incident from January, 2014, when Smith was a member of the New York Knicks. While lined up along the free-throw lane, awaiting an opposing player’s foul shots, Smith untied the shoelaces of Shawn Marion, of the Dallas Mavericks—reaching down slowly, as if to rest his hands on his knees, before making a quick and successful yank, just before play resumed, so Marion had no time to do anything about it. This led to a warning from the league. Days later, Smith made an attempt at the laces of Greg Monroe, of the Detroit Pistons Monroe, perhaps sensing Smith’s intentions, turned his enormous shoe away just in time. Smith earned a fifty-thousand-dollar fine and widespread ridicule.

This past June, Smith’s most recent team, the Cleveland Cavaliers, trailed the favored Golden State Warriors two games to none in the N.B.A. Finals. Then Smith scored twenty points in the critical third game, making five three-pointers, often with defenders pressed against his muscular, six-foot-six-inch frame. These were the kinds of shots that Smith’s fans both love and fear, heaved desperately off one leg or with his whole body fading away as time runs out, in a manner inspired, Smith has said, by his favorite video game, NBA 2K. Smith has two seven-year-old daughters, Peyton and Demi before Game 6, Demi said to an ESPN reporter, about her dad, “I’m just proud of him because he made the championship without getting kicked off the team.” Smith made four more threes that night, and the Cavaliers won, staving off elimination. Then they won Game 7, and Smith, for the first time in his career, was a champion. At an emotional press conference, he spoke about his own parents, particularly his father. “To hear people talk bad about me, it hurts me because I know it hurts him. It’s not who I am. And I know he raised better, and I know I want to do better.”

The next day, Smith arrived with his teammates in Cleveland, and disembarked the team plane bare-chested and ebullient. He was shirtless for much of the next week—eventually, President Obama asked him, in a congratulatory phone call to his coach, “to put on a shirt.” You can now buy, for thirty-five dollars, a skin-toned “tattoo shirtless shirt” covered with the abundant art inked on Smith’s torso: the black Jesus the image of his mother, Ida the No. 23 jersey that pays homage to Michael Jordan the words “my time to shine” around his neck the doves in midflight. “Expect some imperfections around seams and folds,” Fresh Brewed Tees, who sells the shirt, warns on its Web site. “Some smudges or white streaks may appear near edges, seams and collars and are normal.” To fans of Smith, it’s a fitting disclaimer: imperfections are a large part of his appeal.

On September 9th, Smith turned thirty-one, and he spent the day with friends, family, and neighbors in the Perrineville section of the grassy New Jersey township of Millstone, near where he grew up. Smith, who got married this summer, to Demi’s mother (“Two rings in one year,” he proclaimed on social media), is now a free agent, holding out for a bigger contract. LeBron James, Smith’s teammate last season and a close friend, conveyed his birthday wishes on Instagram. “I’ve always believed in you,” James wrote, beneath a picture of the two spraying champagne after winning the title. “Quite frankly, more than u believed in yourself at times and I’ve never wavered cause i knew what you were all about. Loyal, caring, driven, misunderstood.”

It was an exciting day in Millstone: Smith, who is a shoe “enthusiast,” as he put it—he owns more than a thousand pairs—was there to open his new boutique sneaker store, Team Swish. (“Swish” is one of Smith’s nicknames.) The store sits on a three-and-a-half-acre property that’s been in Smith’s family for fifty-five years. When the original family home burned down, three decades ago, Smith’s father, Earl, a mason contractor, replaced it with an office building, which J.R. helped build. The building is now a three-unit strip mall, with a consignment shop, called Ida’s Place, run by Smith’s mother a coffee and bagel spot and, in between, Team Swish.

Smith pulled up to the strip mall’s parking lot at around 3 P.M. in a red Ferrari that he bought after Cleveland won the title. Smith’s younger brother Chris was riding shotgun the car looked like a space ship in the horse-dotted countryside. Smith wore jeans, a white collared shirt, and his Nike Air Force Ones. (“I wanted to keep it real simple, not stand out too much,” he told me later.) We headed into a small office in his new store, to chat. Demi periodically wandered in to sit on his lap autograph seekers and old family friends dropped by. Smith apologized for the intrusions, never rushing our hour-long talk, carefully considering his responses to questions. Earl manned the register out front, where swarms of kids and adults bought J. R. Smith bobble-heads, Sprayground backpacks, T-shirts with the player’s likeness, and, of course, basketball shoes.

Growing up in Millstone, Smith was one of only a handful of African-American students at his school. For most of his adolescence, he was something of a loner, with few friends outside his extended family. “People were cool with me,” he said, “but they played me from afar: talking, making jokes about me. As a kid, it’s hurtful. People look at me now and think, He was definitely a bully. He was that guy. And I’m like, ‘No, it wasn’t like that.’ People don’t understand why I play, sometimes, with a chip on my shoulder. And that’s one reason: the fact I got bullied.” In high school, Smith grew to his current height and became a standout baseball, basketball, and football player. During his senior year, he was co-M.V.P. at the 2004 McDonald’s All American Game, where a promising young player named Carmelo Anthony urged him to skip college, impressed by his swagger and dominance. Smith took the advice seriously, and, later that year, he was selected eighteenth over all in the N.B.A. draft, by the New Orleans Hornets (now the New Orleans Pelicans).

During J.R.’s first two years in the league, his father lived with him in New Orleans, in a house that J.R. bought, enforcing most of the rules his other children obeyed in Millstone. “I bought a house and cars, but I was sleeping in the guest room,” J.R. told me. “My dad got the master!” He had a curfew: midnight if there was no game the next day, otherwise earlier. When the veteran players invited him somewhere, he’d say, “I gotta call my dad.” His father had final say on cars, too. “I wanted to get this BMW that had just come out,” a model that his friend Dwight Howard, who went first in the draft, had just purchased. “My pops said, ‘No. He was the No. 1 pick. You were eighteen. You’re gonna work for that.’ ”

Smith put up decent numbers in his first few seasons, but he was criticized for poor shot selection and questionable decision-making. One of his first coaches, George Karl, said, of Smith’s play, “I just love the dignity of the game being insulted right in front of me.” After several years in Denver, and one in China, Smith was acquired by the Knicks, in 2012. In his first full season with the team, he won the Sixth Man of the Year Award, given to the league’s best bench player. But there were signs of an impending collapse. He’d helped get his younger brother Chris on the team, and then posted the word “betrayal” on Instagram after the Knicks cut him. (Smith says the post was unrelated.) He’d thrown an elbow at the Celtics’ Jason Terry during the Knicks’ playoff run, in 2013, which earned him a game suspension that nearly cost the team the series.

“Nothing I did in New York was working by the end, before going to Cleveland,” he told me. He couldn’t get the balance right between work and life. “At one point I thought I was at the gym too much.” He’d spend hours there working on his fundamentals, but it didn’t help. “So I started going out a lot, thinking I was taking the game too seriously. Then I partied too much. That wasn’t working. So I started messing with this girl, changing things up relationship-wise. That wasn’t working. Then I was having trouble with my daughter’s mom. And I’m like, Man, what’s going on? I couldn’t get out of my own way. I tried to have fun on the court, pulling somebody’s shoestring: fifty-thousand-dollar fine. I’d been doing that for years. Then the weed: suspended five games. It was like, This thing will not stop.”


Ida Wise Smith - History

A Red Record--Alleged Causes of Lynchings
Digital History ID 3620

Author: Ida B. Wells
Date:1895

Annotation: After the Civil War, many black men were lynched in the South. In 1892, Ida B. Wells, a black journalist in Memphis launched a crusade against lynching. Wells lost several friends to lynching and so her passion became telling the country of these awful happenings. She published several articles discussing the executions of her friends. She then went on to publish a pamphlet, “Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases,” and a book, A Red Record. It was Wells who ultimately helped end this violence.


Document: A RED RECORD. ________

Tabulated Statistics and Alleged Causes of

Lynchings in the United States,

Respectfully submitted to the Nineteenth Century civilization in "the Land of the Free and the Home of the Brave."

BY Miss IDA B. WELLS, 128 Clark Street, Chicago.

CHAPTER I. THE CASE STATED

The student of American sociology will find the year 1894 marked by a pronounced awakening of the public conscience to a system of anarchy and outlawry which had grown during a series of ten years to be so common, that scenes of unusual brutality failed to have any visible effect upon the humane sentiments of the people of our land.

Beginning with the emancipation of the Negro, the inevitable result of unbridled power exercised for two and a half centuries, by the white man over the Negro, began to show itself in acts of conscienceless outlawry. During the slave regime, the Southern white man owned the Negro body and soul. It was to his interest to dwarf the soul and preserve the body. Vested with unlimited power over his slave, to subject him to any and all kinds of physical punishment, the white man was still restrained from such punishment as tended to injure the slave by abating his physical powers and thereby reducing his financial worth. While slaves were scourged mercilessly, and in countless cases inhumanly treated in other respects, still the white owner rarely permitted his anger to go so far as to take a life, which would entail upon him a loss of several hundred dollars. The slave was rarely killed, he was too valuable it was easier and quite as effective, for discipline or revenge, to sell him "Down South."

But Emancipation came and the vested interests of the white man in the Negro's body were lost. The white man had no right to scourge the emancipated Negro, still less has he a right to kill him. But the Southern white people had been educated so long in that school of practice, in which might makes right, that they disdained to draw strict lines of action in dealing with the Negro. In slave times the Negro was kept subservient and submissive by the frequency and severity of the scourging, but, with freedom, a new system of intimidation came into vogue the Negro was not only whipped and scourged he was killed.

Not all nor nearly all of the murders done by white men, during the past thirty years in the South, have come to light, but the statistics as gathered and preserved by white men, and which have not been questioned, show that during these years more than ten thousand Negroes have been killed in cold blood, without the formality of judicial trial and legal execution. And yet, as evidence of the absolute impunity with which the white man dares to kill a Negro, the same record shows that during all these years, and for all these murders only three white men have been tried, convicted, and executed. As no white man has been lynched for the murder of colored people, these three executions are the only instances of the death penalty being visited upon white men for murdering Negroes.

Naturally enough the commission of these crimes began to tell upon the public conscience, and the Southern white man, as a tribute to the nineteenth century civilization, was in a manner compelled to give excuses for his barbarism. His excuses have adapted themselves to the emergency, and are aptly outlined by that greatest of all Negroes, Frederick Douglass, in an article of recent date, in which he shows that there have been three distinct eras of Southern barbarism, to account for which three distinct excuses have been made.

The first excuse given to the civilized world for the murder of unoffending Negroes was the necessity of the white man to repress and stamp out alleged "race riots." For years immediately succeeding the war there was an appalling slaughter of colored people, and the wires usually conveyed to northern people and the world the intelligence, first, that an insurrection was being planned by Negroes, which, a few hours later, would prove to have been vigorously resisted by white men, and controlled with a resulting loss of several killed and wounded. It was always a remarkable feature in these insurrections and riots that only Negroes were killed during the rioting, and that all the white men escaped unharmed.

From 1865 to 1872, hundreds of colored men and women were mercilessly murdered and the almost invariable reason assigned was that they met their death by being alleged participants in an insurrection or riot. But this story at last wore itself out. No insurrection ever materialized no Negro rioter was ever apprehended and proven guilty, and no dynamite ever recorded the black man's protest against oppression and wrong. It was too much to ask thoughtful people to believe this transparent story, and the southern white people at last made up their minds that some other excuse must be had.

Then came the second excuse, which had its birth during the turbulent times of reconstruction. By an amendment to the Constitution the Negro was given the right of franchise, and, theoretically at least, his ballot became his invaluable emblem of citizenship. In a government "of the people, for the people, and by the people," the Negro's vote became an important factor in all matters of state and national politics. But this did not last long. The southern white man would not consider that the Negro had any right which a white man was bound to respect, and the idea of a republican form of government in the southern states grew into general contempt. It was maintained that "This is a white man's government," and regardless of numbers the white man should rule. "No Negro domination" became the new legend on the sanguinary banner of the sunny South, and under it rode the Ku Klux Klan, the Regulators, and the lawless mobs, which for any cause chose to murder one man or a dozen as suited their purpose best. It was a long, gory campaign the blood chills and the heart almost loses faith in Christianity when one thinks of Yazoo, Hamburg, Edgefield, Copiah, and the countless massacres of defenseless Negroes, whose only crime was the attempt to exercise their right to vote.

But it was a bootless strife for colored people. The government which had made the Negro a citizen found itself unable to protect him. It gave him the right to vote, but denied him the protection which should have maintained that right. Scourged from his home hunted through the swamps hung by midnight raiders, and openly murdered in the light of day, the Negro clung to his right of franchise with a heroism which would have wrung admiration from the hearts of savages. He believed that in that small white ballot there was a subtle something which stood for manhood as well as citizenship, and thousands of brave black men went to their graves, exemplifying the one by dying for the other.

The white man's victory soon became complete by fraud, violence, intimidation and murder. The franchise vouchsafed to the Negro grew to be a "barren ideality," and regardless of numbers, the colored people found themselves voiceless in the councils of those whose duty it was to rule. With no longer the fear of "Negro Domination" before their eyes, the white man's second excuse became valueless. With the Southern governments all subverted and the Negro actually eliminated from all participation in state and national elections, there could be no longer an excuse for killing Negroes to prevent "Negro Domination."

Brutality still continued Negroes were whipped, scourged, exiled, shot and hung whenever and wherever it pleased the white man so to treat them, and as the civilized world with increasing persistency held the white people of the South to account for its outlawry, the murderers invented the third excuse--that Negroes had to be killed to avenge their assaults upon women. There could be framed no possible excuse more harmful to the Negro and more unanswerable if true in its sufficiency for the white man.

Humanity abhors the assailant of womanhood, and this charge upon the Negro at once placed him beyond the pale of human sympathy. With such unanimity, earnestness and apparent candor was this charge made and reiterated that the world has accepted the story that the Negro is a monster which the Southern white man has painted him. And to-day, the Christian world feels, that while lynching is a crime, and lawlessness and anarchy the certain precursors of a nation's fall, it can not by word or deed, extend sympathy or help to a race of outlaws, who might mistake their plea for justice and deem it an excuse for their continued wrongs.

When emancipation came to the Negroes, there arose in the northern part of the United States an almost divine sentiment among the noblest, purest and best white women of the North, who felt called to a mission to educate and Christianize the millions of southern ex-slaves. From every nook and corner of the North, brave young white women answered that call and left their cultured homes, their happy associations and their lives of ease, and with heroic determination went to the South to carry light and truth to the benighted blacks. It was a heroism no less than that which calls for volunteers for India, Africa and the Isles of the sea. To educate their unfortunate charges to teach them the Christian virtues and to inspire in them the moral sentiments manifest in their own lives, these young women braved dangers whose record reads more like fiction than fact. They became social outlaws in the South. The peculiar sensitiveness of the southern white men for women, never shed its protecting influence about them. No friendly word from their own race cheered them in their work no hospitable doors gave them the companionship like that from which they had come. No chivalrous white man doffed his hat in honor or respect. They were "Nigger teachers"-- unpardonable offenders in the social ethics of the South, and were insulted, persecuted and ostracised, not by Negroes, but by the white manhood which boasts of it chivalry toward women.

And yet these northern women worked on, year after year, unselfishly, with a heroism which amounted almost to martyrdom. Threading their way through dense forests, working in schoolhouse, in the cabin and in the church, thrown at all times and in all places among the unfortunate and lowly Negroes, whom they had come to find and to serve, these northern women, thousands and thousands of them, have spent more than a quarter of a century in giving to the colored people their splendid lessons for home and heart and soul. Without protection, save that which innocence gives to every good woman, they went about their work, fearing no assault and suffering none. Their chivalrous protectors were hundreds of miles away in their northern homes, and yet they never feared any "great dark faced mobs," they dared night or day to "go beyond their own roof trees." They never complained of assaults, and no mob was ever called into existence to avenge crimes against them. Before the world adjudges the Negro a moral monster, a vicious assailant of womanhood and a menace to the sacred precincts of home, the colored people ask the consideration of the silent record of gratitude, respect, protection and devotion of the millions of the race in the South, to the thousands of northern white women who have served as teachers and missionaries since the war.

* * * CHAPTER II. LYNCH LAW STATISTICS

From the record published in the Chicago Tribune, January 1, 1894, the following computation of lynching statistics is made referring only to the colored victims of Lynch Law during the year 1893:

Sept. 15, Paul Hill, Carrollton, Ala. Sept. 15, Paul Archer, Carrollton, Ala. Sept 15, William Archer, Carrollton, Ala. Sept. 15, Emma Fair, Carrollton, Ala.

Dec. 23, unknown negro, Fannin, Miss.

Dec.25, Calvin Thomas, near Brainbridge, Ga.

Dec. 28, Tillman Greeen, Columbia, La.

Jan. 26, Patrick Wells, Quincy, Fla. Feb. 9, Frank Harrell, Dickery, Miss. Feb. 9, William Filder, Dickery, Miss.

Feb. 21, Richard Mays, Springville, Mo. Aug. 14, Dug Hazleton, Carrollton, Ga. Sept 1, Judge McNeil, Cadiz, Ky. Sept. 11, Frank Smith, Newton, Miss. Sept. 16, Wiliam Jackson, Nevada, Mo. Sept. 19, Riley Gulley, Pine Apple, Ala. Oct. 9, John Davis, Shorterville, Ala. Nov. 8, Robert Kennedy, Spartansburg, S.C.

Feb. 16, Richard Forman, Granada, Miss.

Oct. 14, David Jackson, Covington, LA.

Sept. 21, Thomas Smith, Roanoke, Va.

Dec. 12, four unknown negroes, near Selma, Ala.

Jan. 30, Thomas Carr, Kosciusko, Miss. Feb. 7, Willaim Butler, Hickory Creek, Texas Aug. 27, Charles Tart, Lyons Station, Miss. Dec. 7, Robert Greenwood, Cross county, Ark. July 14, Allen Butler, Lawrenceville, Ill.

Oct. 24, two unknown negroes, Knox Point, La.

Nov. 4, Edward Wagner, Lynchburg, Va. Nov. 4, William Wagner, Lynchburg, Va. Nov. 4, Samuel Motlow, Lynchburg, Va. Nov. 4, Eliza Motlow, Lynchburg, Va.

Jan. 21, Robert Landry, St. James Parish, La. Jan. 21, Chicken George, St. James Parish, La. Jan. 21, Richard Davis, St. James Parish, La. Dec. 8, Benjamin Menter, Berlin, Ala. Dec. 8, Robert Wilkins, Berlin, Ala. Dec. 8, Joseph Gevhens, Berlin, Ala.

ALLEGED COMPLICITY IN MURDER

Sept. 16, Valsin Julian, Jefferson Parish, La., Sept. 16, Basil Julian, Jefferson Parish, La. Sept. 16, Paul Julian, Jefferson Parish, La. Sept. 16, John Willis, Jefferson Parish, La.

June 29, Samuel Thorp, Savannah, Ga. June 29, George S. Riechen, Waynesboro, Ga. June 30, Joseph Bird, Wilberton, I.T. [3. Indian Territory] July 1, James Lamar, Darien, Ga. July 28, Henry Miller, Dallas, Texas July 28, Ada Hiers, Walterboro, S.C. July 28, Alexander Brown, Bastrop, Texas July 30, W. G. Jamison, Quincy, Ill. Sept.1, Jihn Ferguson, Lawrens, S.C. Sept. 1, Oscar Johnston, Berkeley, S.C. Sept. 1, Henry Ewing, Berkeley, S.C. Sept. 8, William Smith, Camden, Ark. Sept. 15, Staples Green, Livingston, Ala. Sept. 29, Hiram Jacobs, Mount Vernon, Ga. Sept. 29, Lucien Mannet, Mount Vernon, Ga. Sept. 29, Hire Bevington, Mount Vernon, Ga. Sept. 29, Weldon Gordon, Mount Vernon, Ga. Sept. 29, Parse Strickland, Mount Vernon, Ga. Oct. 20, William Dalton, Cartersville, Ga. Oct. 27, M. B. Taylor, Wise Court House, Va. Oct. 27, Isaac Williams, Madison, Ga. Nov. 10, Miller Davis, Center Point, Ark. Nov. 14, John Johnston, Auburn, N.Y.

Sept. 27, Calvin Stewart, Langley, S.C. Spt. 29, Henry Coleman, Benton, La. Oct. 18, William Richards, Summerfield, Ga. Oct. 18, James Dickson, Summerfield, Ga. Oct. 27, Edward Jenkins, Clayton county, Ga. Nov. 9, Henry Boggs, Fort White, Fla. Nov. 14, three unknown negroes, Lake City Junction, Fla. Nov. 14, D. T. Nelson, Varney, Ark. Nov. 29, Newton Jones, Baxley, Ga. Dec. 2, Lucius Holt, Concord, Ga. Dec. 10, two unknown negroes, Richmond, Ala. July 12, Henry Fleming, Columbus, Miss. July 17, unknown negro, Briar Field, Ala. July 18, Meredith Lewis, Roseland, La. July 29, Edward Bill, Dresden, Tenn. Aug. 1, Henry Reynolds, Montgomery, Tenn. Aug. 9, unknown negro, McCreery, Ark. Aug. 12, unknown negro, Brantford, Fla. Aug. 18, Charles Walton, Morganfield, Ky. Aug. 21, Charles Tait, near Memphis, Tenn. Aug. 28, Leonard Taylor, New Castle, Ky. Sept. 8, Benjamin Jackson, Quincy, Miss. Sept. 14, John Williams, Jackson, Tenn. SELF DEFENSE

July 30, unknown negro[,] Wingo, Ky.

Aug. 18, two unknown negroes, Franklin Parish, La.

Sept. 15, Benjamin Jackson, Jackson, Miss. Sept. 15, Mahala Jackson, Jackson, Miss. Sept. 15, Louisa Carter, Jackson, Miss. Sept. 15, W. A. Haley, Jackson, Miss. Sept. 15, Rufus Bigley, Jackson, Miss.

Feb. 18, John Hughes, Moberly, Mo. June 2, Isaac Lincoln, Fort Madison, S.C.

April 20, Daniel Adams, Selina, Kan.

July 21, Charles Martin, Shelby Co., Tenn. July 30, William Steen, Paris, Miss. August 31, unknown negro, Houston, Tex. Dec. 28, Mack Segars, Brantley, Ala.

July 7, Charles T. Miller, Bardwell, Ky. Aug. 10, Daniel Lewis, Waycross, Ga. Aug. 10, James Taylor, Waycross, Ga. Aug. 10, John Chambers, Waycross, Ga.

Dec. 16, Henry G. Givens, Nebro, Ky.

Dec. 23, Sloan Allen, West Mississippi.

Feb. 14, Andy Blount, Chattanooga, Tenn.

Dec. 19, William Ferguson, Adele, Ga.

Jan. 19, James Williams, Pickens, Co., Ala. Feb. 11, unknown negro, Forest Hill, Tenn. Feb. 26, Joseph Hayne, or Paine, Jellico, Tenn. Nov. 1, Abner Anthony, Hot Springs, Va. Nov. 1, Thomas Hill, Spring Place, Ga. April 24, John Peterson, Denmark, S.C. May 6, Samuel Gaillard, ---, S.C. May 10, Haywood Banks, or Marksdale, Columbia, S.C. May 12, Israel Halliway, Napoleonville, La. May 12, unknown negro, Wytheville, Va. May 31, John Wallace, Jefferson Springs, Ark. June 3, Samuel Bush, Decatur, Ill. June 8, L. C. Dumas, Gleason, Tenn. June 13, William Shorter, Winchester, Va. June 14, George Williams, near Waco, Tex. June 24, Daniel Edwards, Selina or Selma, Ala. June 27, Ernest Murphy, Daleville, Ala. July 6, unknown negro, Poplar Head, La. July 6, unknown negro, Poplar Head, La. July 12, Robert Larkin, Oscola, Tex. July 17, Warren Dean, Stone Creek, Ga. July 21, unknown negro, Brantford, Fla. July 17, John Cotton, Connersville, Ark. July 22, Lee Walker, New Albany, Miss. July 26, --- Handy, Suansea, S.C. July 30, William Thompson, Columbia, S.C. July 28, Isaac Harper, Calera, Ala. July 30, Thomas Preston, Columbia, S.C. July 30, Handy Kaigler, Columbia, S.C. Aug. 13, Monroe Smith, Springfield, Ala. Aug. 19, negro tramp, near Paducah, Ky. Aug. 21, John Nilson, near Leavenworth, Kan. Aug, 23, Jacob Davis, Green Wood, S.C. Sept. 2, William Arkinson, McKenney, Ky. Sept. 16, unknown negro, Centerville, Ala. Sept. 16, Jessie Mitchell, Amelia C.H., Va. Sept. 25, Perry Bratcher, New Boston, Tex. Oct. 9, William Lacey, Jasper, Ala. Oct. 22, John Gamble. Pikesville, Tenn.

OFFENSES CHARGED ARE AS FOLLOWS

Rape, 39 attempted rape, 8 alleged rape, 4 suspicion of rape, 1 murder, 44 alleged murder, 6 alleged complicity in murder, 4 murderous assault, 1 attempted murder, 1 attempted robbery, 4 arson, 4 incendiarism, 3 alleged stock poisoning, 1 poisoning wells, 2 alleged poisoning wells, 5 burglary, 1 wife beating, 1 self defense, 1 suspected robbery, 1 assault and battery, 1 insulting whites, 2 malpractice, 1 alleged barn burning, 4 stealing, 2 unknown offense, 4 no offense, 1 race prejudice, 4 total, 159.

Alabama, 25 Arkansas, 7 Florida, 7 Georgia, 24 Indian Territory, 1 Illinois, 3 Kansas, 2 Kentucky, 8 Louisiana, 18 Mississippi, 17 Missouri, 3 New York, 1 South Carolina, 15 Tennessee, 10 Texas, 8 Virginia, 10.

* * * CHAPTER VII. THE CRUSADE JUSTIFIED

(Appeal from America to the World)

[I]t is the desire of this pamphlet to urge that the crusade started and thus far continued has not been useless, but has been blessed with the most salutary results. The many evidences of the good results can not here be mentioned, but the thoughtful student of the situation can himself find ample proof. There need not here be mentioned the fact that for the first time since lynching began, has there been any occasion for the governors of the several states to speak out in reference to these crimes against law and order.

No matter how heinous the act of the lynchers may have been, it was discussed only for a day or so and then dismissed from the attention of the public. In one or two instances the governor has called attention to the crime, but the civil processes entirely failed to bring the murderers to justice. Since the crusade against lynching was started, however, governors of states, newspapers, senators and representatives and bishops of churches have all been compelled to take cognizance of the prevalence of this crime and to speak in one way or another in the defense of the charge against this barbarism in the United States. This has not been because there was any latent spirit of justice voluntarily asserting itself, especially in those who do the lynching, but because the entire American people now feel, both North and South, that they are objects in the gaze of the civilized world and that for every lynching humanity asks that America render its account to civilization and itself.

* * * CHAPTER VIII. MISS WILLARD'S ATTITUDE

No class of American citizens stands in greater need of the humane and thoughtful consideration of all sections of our country than do the colored people, nor does any class exceed us in the measure of grateful regard for acts of kindly interest in our behalf. It is, therefore, to us, a matter of keen regret that a Christian organization so large and influential as the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, should refuse to give its sympathy and support to our oppressed people who ask no further favor than the promotion of public sentiment which shall guarantee to every person accused of crime the safeguard of a fair and impartial trial, and protection from butchery by brutal mobs. Accustomed as we are to the indifference and apathy of Christian people, we would bear this instance of ill fortune in silence, had not Miss Willard gone out of her way to antagonize the cause so dear to our hearts by including in her Annual Address to the W. C. T. U. Convention at Cleveland, November 5, 1894, a studied, unjust, and wholly unwarranted attack upon our work.

In her address Miss Willard said:

["]The zeal for her race of Miss Ida B. Wells, a bright young colored woman, has, it seems to me, clouded her perception as to who were her friends and well-wishers in all high-minded and legitimate efforts to banish the abomination of lynching and torture from the land of the free and the home of the brave. It is my firm belief that in the statements made by Miss Wells concerning white women having taken the initiative in nameless acts between the races she has put an imputation upon half the white race in this country that is unjust, and, save in the rarest exceptional instances, wholly without foundation. This is the unanimous opinion of the most disinterested and observant leaders of opinion whom I have consulted on the subject, and I do not fear to say that the laudable efforts she is making are greatly handicapped by statements of this kind, nor to urge her as a friend and well-wisher to banish from her vocabulary all such allusions as a source of weakness to the cause she has at heart.["]

This paragraph, brief as it is, contains two statements which have not the slightest foundation in fact. At no time, nor in any place, have I made statements "concerning white women having taken the initiative in nameless acts between the races." Further, at no time, or place nor under any circumstances, have I directly or inferentially "put an imputation upon half the white race in this country" and I challenge this "friend and well-wisher" to give proof of the truth of her charge. Miss Willard protests against lynching in one paragraph and then, in the next, deliberately misrepresents my position in order that she may criticise a movement, whose only purpose is to protect our oppressed race from vindictive slander and Lynch Law.

What I have said and what I now repeat--in answer to her first charge--is, that colored men have been lynched for assault upon women, when the facts were plain that the relationship between the victim lynched and the alleged victim of his assault was voluntary, clandestine and illicit. For that very reason we maintain, that, in every section of our land, the accused should have a fair, impartial trial, so that a man who is colored shall not be hanged for an offense, which, if he were white, would not be adjudged a crime. Facts cited in another chapter--"History of Some Cases of Rape"--amply maintain this position. The publication of these facts in defense of the good name of the race casts no "imputation upon half the white race in this country" and no such imputation can be inferred except by persons deliberately determined to be unjust.

In the Union Signal Dec. 6, 1894, among the resolutions is found this one:

Resolved, That the National W. C. T. U. which has for years counted among its departments that of peace and arbitration, is utterly opposed to all lawless acts in any and all parts of our common lands and it urges these principles upon the public, praying that the time may speedily come when no human being shall be condemned without due process of law and when the unspeakable outrages which have so often provoked such lawlessness shall be banished from the world, and childhood, maidenhood and womanhood shall no more be the victims of atrocities worse than death.

This is not the resolution offered by Mrs. Fessenden. She offered the one passed last year by the W. C. T. U. which was a strong unequivocal denunciation of lynching. But she was told by the chairman of the committee on resolutions, Mrs. Rounds, that there was already a lynching resolution in the hands of the committee. Mrs. Fessenden yielded the floor on that assurance, and no resolution of any kind against lynching was submitted and none was voted upon, not even the one above, taken from the columns of the Union Signal, the organ of the national W. C. T. U.!

Even the wording of this resolution which was printed by the W. C. T. U., reiterates the false and unjust charge which has been so often made as an excuse for lynchers. Statistics show that less than one-third of the lynching victims are hanged, shot and burned alive for "unspeakable outrages against womanhood, maidenhood and childhood" and that nearly a thousand, including women and children, have been lynched upon any pretext whatsoever and that all have met death upon the unsupported word of white men and women. Despite these facts this resolution which was printed, cloaks an apology for lawlessness, in the same paragraph which affects to condemn it, where it speaks of "the unspeakable outrages which have so often provoked such lawlessness."

Miss Willard told me the day before the resolutions were offered that the Southern women present had held a caucus that day. This was after I, as fraternal delegate from the Woman's Mite Missionary Society of the A. M. E. Church at Cleveland, O., had been introduced to tender its greetings. In so doing I expressed the hope of the colored women that the W. C. T. U. would place itself on record as opposed to lynching which robbed them of husbands, fathers, brothers and sons and in many cases of women as well. No note was made either in the daily papers or the Union Signal of that introduction and greeting, although every other incident of that morning was published. The failure to submit a lynching resolution and the wording of the one above appears to have been the result of that Southern caucus.

It is a well established principle of law that every wrong has a remedy. Herein rests our respect for law. The Negro does not claim that all of the one thousand black men, women and children, who have been hanged, shot and burned alive during the past ten years, were innocent of the charges made against them. We have associated too long with the white man not to have copied his vices as well as his virtues. But we do insist that the punishment is not the same for both classes of criminals. In lynching, opportunity is not given the Negro to defend himself against the unsupported accusations of white men and women. The word of the accuser is held to be true and the excited blood-thirsty mob demands that the rule of law be reversed and instead of proving the accused to be guilty, the victim of their hate and revenge must prove himself innocent. No evidence he can offer will satisfy the mob he is bound hand and foot and swung into eternity. Then to excuse its infamy, the mob almost invariably reports the monstrous falsehood that its victim made a full confession before he was hanged.

What can you do, reader, to prevent lynching, to thwart anarchy and promote law and order throughout our land?

1st. You can help disseminate the facts contained in this book by bringing them to the knowledge of every one with whom you come in contact, to the end that public sentiment may be revolutionized. Let the facts speak for themselves, with you as a medium.

2d. You can be instrumental in having churches, missionary societies, Y. M. C. A.'s, W. C. T. U.'s and all Christian and moral forces in connection with your religious and social life, pass resolutions of condemnation and protest every time a lynching takes place and see that they are sent to the place where these outrages occur.

3d. Bring to the intelligent consideration of Southern people the refusal of capital to invest where lawlessness and mob violence hold sway. Many labor organizations have declared by resolution that they would avoid lynch infested localities as they would the pestilence when seeking new homes. If the South wishes to build up its waste places quickly, there is no better way than to uphold the majesty of the law by enforcing obedience to the same, and meting out the same punishment to all classes of criminals, white as well as black. "Equality before the law," must become a fact as well as a theory before America is truly the "land of the free and the home of the brave."

4th. Think and act on independent lines in this behalf, remembering that after all, it is the white man's civilization and the white man's government which are on trial.

5th. Congressman Blair offered a resolution in the House of Representatives, August, 1894. The organized life of the country can speedily make this a law by sending resolutions to Congress indorsing Mr. Blair's bill and asking Congress to create the commission. In no better way can the question be settled, and the Negro does not fear the issue.[A]

A. This was Senator Henry W. Blair, Republican from New Hampshire. His resolution called for an investigation of alleged assaults upon women during the past ten years and of organized, unlawful attacks on accused persons that denied them due process of law.


Joseph Smith’s 1844 Campaign for United States President

Joseph Smith declared his candidacy for president of the United States in February 1844. Joseph personally and the Saints more generally had experienced several years of harassment and persecution both in Missouri and in Illinois. Joseph had written to five men expected to be candidates for the presidency in the election of 1844, asking each man what he would do to protect the citizenship rights of the Latter-day Saints if he were elected. Three of the men responded, but none of them promised to help the Saints. As a result, the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles nominated Joseph Smith to be a candidate. He accepted the nomination and proceeded to develop a political campaign. In describing his reasons for accepting the nomination, Joseph Smith stated publicly, “I would not have suffered my name to have been used by my friends on any wise as president of the United States or candidate for that office if I and my friends could have had the privilege of enjoying our religious and civil rights as American citizens.” 1

Joseph’s campaign platform was summarized in a pamphlet titled General Smith’s Views on the Power and Policy of Government. Empowering the federal government to protect the rights of religious minorities was at the heart of his campaign, but he took public positions on a host of controversial issues. His platform included a call for the closure of the country’s growing prison system, decreasing the size of the House of Representatives, chartering a new national bank, and promoting national expansion conditioned upon receiving the consent of American Indians. Joseph also called for the abolition of slavery in the United States by the government using revenues generated from the sale of federal lands in the western United States to purchase the freedom of enslaved men and women. 2

Joseph Smith’s Views of the Powers and Policy of the Government of the United States.

Church leaders recognized the power of print media to spread their message through the country, so they printed and distributed thousands of copies of Joseph Smith’s campaign pamphlet. In New York City, Church leaders started a newspaper called the Prophet, which was dedicated to covering Joseph’s candidacy and compared his policy positions to the other candidates in the race. In addition to printed campaign messaging, over 300 Church members served electioneering missions throughout the country.

President John Tyler’s failure to gain his party’s nomination meant there was no incumbent, so the 1844 presidential race was wide open. However, it was unlikely that a candidate running outside the two-party system could win the race. Some thought that the campaign was not a serious attempt to elect Joseph Smith, but rather an undertaking designed to raise public awareness of the plight of the Latter-day Saints amid rising persecution in a country that boasted about its exceptional level of freedom. While the Saints acknowledged that even an unsuccessful presidential campaign could raise such beneficial awareness, Church leaders insisted that they intended to elect him. They selected electors from each state, an action that served virtually no public relations function but, rather, would serve to translate popular votes into electoral votes should the campaign succeed in gaining enough support in any of the 24 states that then comprised the United States. Church leaders apparently believed that Joseph Smith could win if it were God’s will, but they did not necessarily believe that he would win. Accordingly, they pursued other plans to relieve the Saints of the pressures and persecutions they felt, including petitioning the United States Congress to make the city of Nauvoo a federal territory, asking Congress to make Joseph a general in the United States Army, and exploring the possibility of leaving the United States altogether. Joseph’s campaign for the presidency was, therefore, one of several potential avenues Church leaders explored to bring the Saints the peace and protection necessary for them to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences. 3

James B. Allen, in “I Have a Question,” Ensign, Sept. 1973, 21–22.

The following publications provide further information about this topic. By referring or linking you to these resources, we do not endorse or guarantee the content or the views of the authors.

Spencer W. McBride, “The Council of Fifty and Joseph Smith’s Presidential Ambitions,” in Matthew J. Grow and R. Eric Smith, eds., The Council of Fifty: What the Records Reveal about Mormon History (Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 2017), 21–30.

Margaret C. Robertson, “The Campaign and the Kingdom: The Activities of the Electioneers in Joseph Smith’s Presidential Campaign,” BYU Studies, vol. 39, no. 3 (2000), 147–80.


My Genealogy Hound

This section makes it possible to view all the biographies currently available for the Smith family surname.

Please keep in mind that this is a list of only the primary biography surnames. Other surnames mentioned within a biography are not included in these lists of surnames. To search for the other surnames, use the search website feature. Also note that new biographies added to the website may not be listed in these lists for several days after the biographies go onto the website. This is a rapidly expanding section, so check back often.

To browse the currently available biographies for the Smith family surname, click on the desired biography in the list below:

Use the links at the top right of this page to search or browse thousands of family biographies.

My Genealogy Hound is a free service of Hearthstone Legacy Publications. All contents of this website are copyright 2012-2021.


South Carolina Slaveholders

The search for enslaved ancestors requires research in the records of slaveholding families. In order to identify records of interest, you must first examine the genealogy of slaveholding families.

The search for enslaved ancestors requires research in the records of slaveholding families. In order to identify records of interest, you must first examine the genealogy of slaveholding families.

Researching a slaveholder’s genealogy can be a time-consuming task, but fortunately, there are many genealogies for South Carolina slaveholders online. Here, we provide links to online genealogies of South Carolina slaveholders.

We also provide links to online records for SC slaveholders on Fold3.com. The records linked here were indexed by volunteers in the Restore the Ancestors Project. They are the work of many hearts and many hands. We thank and cherish the volunteers who have worked so hard to make these records searchable in a free collection.

Allen – Click to Expand

Watch the video: 40 Weirdest Things Ever Caught On Security Cameras u0026 CCTV!


Comments:

  1. Webley

    Funny information

  2. Abdul-Haqq

    It goes beyond all limits.

  3. Justis

    I give someone CGI character)))))

  4. Bara

    Bravo, great idea and timely

  5. Barron

    An excellent and timely response.

  6. Vudojinn

    Lovely question



Write a message